The Plan itself requires understanding in order to do this properly.
The Plan is organized and operated primarily by Big Tech, Big Pharma, and Big Money (TPM, “they”, “them”) that is comparable to the Trump Administration's COVID-19 Task Force.
The TPM exploits an organizational and closed-loop system of data collection, processing that compartmentalizes the information to create false data for gain. This is done by collecting it from a pool of comorbidity pathogens and illnesses that mostly occur on an annual and seasonal basis: flu/ pneumonia, diabetes, heart disease and obesity.
Comorbidity data from a seasonal pool of flu/ and influenza-like illnesses (ILI) such as pneumonia occurs by two primary methods: PCR testing/high cycle thresholds and a series of diagnostic memos issued by the National Vital Statistics System. Both are data drivers functioning as redundant control systems inside this closed-loop system.
These serve to manufacture “new cases” by exploiting known vulnerabilities with PCR testing calibrated with high cycle threshold values, which creates the very specific net effect of generating false positive test results in abundance. Maneuvering the diagnosis to COVID by the language issued in the NVSS memos that also financially incentivized the diagnoses. The language of the memos basically places all of the flu season in the COVID column.
The design of this plan situates the seasonal data comorbidity collection such that they are only available for collecting during the times when those pathogens naturally occur. That mostly coincides with peak flu season, which makes it seasonal, and therefore it places firm boundaries on the The Plan while also making the TPM predictable in ways that can be confirmed with empirical and other data points.
To capitalize on this data, the TPM is required to introduce a new pathogen for two purposes. The first purpose was to introduce a new pathogen that mirrored the symptoms of the primary comorbidities being collected. From this standpoint and the requirement for a “like-for-like” pathogen, SARS-CoV-2 was the ideal candidate. The second purpose was to permit the TPM to meet the legal demands and requirements that are necessary to make both a pandemic declaration and the resulting declaration for a national emergency.
Per the Stafford Act: a national emergency declaration is required to trigger the usurpation of the President’s Title II Executive emergency authority by drawing it into conflict with the legal concept of “presidential competence,” which compels the President to defer to field experts if the emergency exists outside the scope of his knowledge and expertise. A viral pandemic meets this demand perfectly because a President is generally neither a virologist or epidemiologist, etc.
The enforcement mechanism for this “presidential competence” is the 25th Amendment. This existed before Trump took office in 2017. Had Trump defied “his” experts (the TPM) they would have leveraged the 25th Amendment to remove him. The 2020 election eventually accomplished this objective.
The CDC defines peak flu as beginning every December 1st and runs for two months. The definition of “COVID season” applies to this annual and seasonal period of peak flu and the data pool provided by it. Impacting the “COVID season” is the annual and seasonal die-off period for the primary comorbidities being accumulated.. This occurs primarily in the spring into summer and again, it provides firm boundaries on the The Plan and lends towards its predictability.
This requires The Plan to have a bridge that serves to drive the pandemic and the seasonal die-off and bridge from the current flu season to the next flu season. This design is perpetual.
There are four basic identifiable COVID seasons, understanding that it is open ended after the third. They are: 1) late 2019 after the first outbreak and until the seasonal die-off in spring/summer 2020; 2) peak flu 2020-2021; 3) the coming peak flu 2021-2022 and 4) open-ended from the projected peak flu 2022-2023 onward. To be determined by the existence and availability of 40,000 identifiable SARS-CoV-2 variants (to be discussed in another post).
In 2020, the bridge linking the pandemic from the 2019-2020 peak flu season to the 2020-2021 peak flu season occurred when the TPM moved the benchmark pandemic measurement from mortality data, which was in decline at the time, to infection data or “new cases.” This new measurement of “new cases” was made from thin air and was driven by a political storyline beginning in early 2020 and calling for an exponential increase in COVID testing (PCR/CT) that delivered a major spike in data in mid-April 2020.
PCR/CT and NVSS memos being the data drivers that The Plan requires present as redundant control systems allowing the TPM to shape the pandemic and determine how, when and where it occurs. It is to maneuver diagnoses and all COVID data to COVID over other causes. In addition to determining the parameters for data input, output and within an organizational and closed loop system, the TPM also financially incentivized the diagnoses with federal dollars.
This 2021 bridge is the leveraging of the “variant” and it can be seen currently dominating legacy media headlines and CDC advice. This is occurring exactly how, when, where and why predicted. Need an election to win? The public to have more fear? Etc.
The Plan was troubled by a problematic data point from the CDC. 2020 was only the 12th deadliest year. This tripwire evidences the means, motive, opportunity and intent in moving the benchmark pandemic measurement from mortality to “new cases” in mid-April 2020. Simply stated, the mortality data stood entirely antithetical to the narrative; so they moved the measurement to circumvent the impediment.
This spiraled into additional problems that unfold in the historical analysis that follows including two bulk revisions in August of 2020 and May of 2021. The CDC revised away 94% and 95% of sole cause COVID mortality data. That was the same data used to predicate the declaration of a national emergency and the declaration of the now perpetual state of emergency. Everything resulting from the pandemic occurs under and within the parameters needed to authorize it.
Understanding that the TPM has only issued recommendations for mitigations and guidelines, federalism has been used against the American people as The Plan’s enforcement mechanism. The Plan provides the authority for the governors to serve as enforcers and from there, The Plan gets infused into every single granular aspect of American life dependent upon the governor.
Therefore, the fraudulent data and the authority derived from it permits governors to literally shape how the pandemic occurs in their states. This stands entirely antithetical to the notion of the pandemic, as caused by the disease, occurring naturally and according to geographic areas as determined by population density and other important factors; and not political considerations and gubernatorial discretion.
Viruses are apolitical.
Will edit and post Part 2, 3, 4 later on.
Thank you, high effort posting. If you pull all of the parts, 1 through 4, into a larger piece, might I suggest using link citations to some of the more important references, such as "The CDC revised away 94% and 95% of the sole cause COVID morbidity data." Overall, nice work.
Very good analysis. Thanks for posting. TBH, the bit about Trump deferring to experts because of the Stafford Act was the best part; I hadn't seen that before.
Now that’s a meta-Analysis if I ever saw one! Great info Autist!